
The Institutions of Practice Emerge
Written by
Gabrielle Dorian
With statehood attained, New Mexico forged its path forward with its patchwork of governance and frontier traditions in tow. Slowly but surely, the legal system began to find its footing as it traversed untested terrain, setting the stage for the modern legal profession. Territorial quandaries were a thing of the past, but the fledgling state, with its diverse yet relatively sparse population, began to confront 20th-century legal questions in ways that shaped and showcased its unique character.
Movement Toward a More Inclusive Legal Profession
Though members of several minority groups had entered the legal profession in territorial New Mexico, diversification of the field continued only gradually after 1912.1 In 1908, Nellie C. Brewer Pierce became the first woman to practice law in the state. However, the Roll of Attorneys reveals that only 58 women were admitted to practice law in New Mexico from 1908 through 1969.
George Long became the first African American to graduate from the state’s law school in 1952. Yet nearly 20 years later, a study found there were no practicing Black lawyers and no Black judges in New Mexico in 1970. Native Americans had developed and participated in traditional tribal legal systems for centuries before John E. EchoHawk became the first to enter the American legal system within the state after becoming the first Native American to matriculate at the University of New Mexico School of Law in 1967.
Two institutions in particular helped increase diversity among practitioners while also bringing greater standardization to the legal profession in New Mexico, especially in education, licensing and professional conduct.
The School of Law was established in 1947 and grew from humble beginnings, initially occupying four classrooms on the second floor of the football stadium grandstand at Zimmerman Field.2 Yet well after Brown v. Board of Education (1954), the school’s admissions practices regarding minority students continued to draw challenges.3 Over time, however, and particularly after the Civil Rights Act was signed into law in 1964, the school took important steps to promote diversity.
For example, the Pre- Law Summer Institute and a special scholarship program were established in 1967 to prepare Native American students and provide financial assistance. The American Indian Law Center was founded in 1968. The law school joined the Council on Legal Education Opportunity in 1968 as part of a national effort to recruit and assist minority students. By the late 1960s, the school had begun expanding opportunities for students from historically underrepresented backgrounds.
The bar, established as a voluntary association prior to statehood, was among the first to join the unification movement, requiring membership for all lawyers practicing within the state in the 1920s. Yet even after the national establishment of the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission,4 as well as the emergence of other significant organizations and initiatives, minority attorneys remained scarce in New Mexico throughout the 1960s. The absence of diversity in the profession would eventually prompt investigation by the State Bar.
Efforts to Stabilize the Legal System
The early and mid-20th century brought significant changes to New Mexico’s court system, driven by population growth, rising caseloads and judicial reform. The Supreme Court expanded from three seats at its inception in 1912 to five seats in 1929. Construction of the Supreme Court Building was completed in Santa Fe in 1937.
By 1966, however, the growing backlog of cases threatened to overwhelm the court. In response, the Court of Appeals was created as an intermediate appellate court. Development of the court system continued with standardization and modernization in mind. The establishment of the Administrative Office of the Courts in 1959 consolidated the administrative duties of New Mexico courts under the supervision of the Supreme Court, reducing fragmentation and improving operational efficiency.
Tribal courts and tribal law also experienced rapid change during this period. Under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, tribes were encouraged to adopt constitutions and legal codes similar to those of the federal government. While many tribes in New Mexico voted in favor of the act, others rejected it and instead maintained traditional systems of governance.
Tribal sovereignty was later reinforced by Williams v. Lee, 358 U.S. 217 (1959), which upheld tribal jurisdiction over reservation activities. However, further developments in federal law continued to alter the dynamics of tribal legal systems. The Indian Civil Rights Act of 1968 is one example, imposing certain federal standards on tribal courts while limiting states’ jurisdiction over civil and criminal matters involving tribal members or occurring on tribal lands.
The State Confronts 20th-Century Legal Challenges
After statehood, New Mexico primarily relied on property and commerce taxes. Major discoveries, particularly in Lea County near Hobbs in the late 1920s, catapulted New Mexico into the top 10 oil-producing states. Mining, agriculture and cattle ranching remained the state’s other primary economic activities.
Because of the significant economic impact of these industries, New Mexico developed complex and expansive legal frameworks, particularly in water rights, oil and gas law, environmental law and land grants. Other events and industries further redefined the legal landscape of New Mexico, most notably the arrival of high-security military and scientific installations.
Laboratories and Military Facilities
In 1942, the U.S. Army acquired Oxnard Field near the airport in Albuquerque. The Los Alamos Ranch School property, selected by J. Robert Oppenheimer for its seclusion as well as its natural beauty, was acquired soon afterward for military purposes, displacing those who lived in the area.
By 1945, the property at Oxnard Field, later known as Sandia Base, was designated for the continued development of
non-nuclear weapon components. On July 16, 1945, the Army conducted the world’s first nuclear test in the Jornada del Muerto desert basin, just southeast of Socorro and northwest of Las Cruces.
Throughout the war, the work conducted at Los Alamos required extreme secrecy, which shaped daily life in the community. Nearly all written documents were classified. Mail was monitored and censored, and civilian employees were required to use a single post office box in Sandoval County. Strict travel restrictions limited employees to a 100- mile radius.
The town’s inhabitants were effectively disenfranchised because they were not formally recognized as New Mexico residents. They were prohibited from discussing their work, even with spouses. Officers were posted at hotels and bars in Santa Fe to monitor social interactions.
Following the war, these facilities became managed through complex contractor-government agreements, and the labs eventually grew into some of the largest employers in the state. This era also prompted lawsuits against the United States for failing to honor Spanish and Mexican land grants and for failing to protect those affected by Trinity site fallout.
As these institutions grew and became permanent features of the state, local lawyers and lawmakers increasingly grappled with matters involving federal contracts, employment issues, civil rights claims and the broader role of local actors in advancing the nuclear era.
Roswell
Municipal identity and individual rights were saddled and steered by military secrecy once again during the Cold War, when an incident near Roswell imbued New Mexico with some distinctive hallmarks. What began with a military press release in 1947 evolved into a decades-long struggle over government transparency. W.W. “Mac” Brazel found debris at his ranch and reported it to local authorities, but Roswell Army Air Field personnel described the recovered debris as the wreckage of a “flying disc.” While Brazel was reportedly detained for days without legal counsel, the military quickly issued a retraction of the previous claim and reclassified the downed object as a weather balloon. As the recovered debris itself was unclassified, and the materials bore nothing distinguishable from an ordinary weather balloon, the press lost interest in the story, and the flying disc disappeared from the headlines. This allowed the military to continue its true top-secret operation without public scrutiny.
It was not until the late 1970s that UFO researchers began looking into the events that occurred near Roswell and bringing them back to the public forefront. Some were able to interview civilian and former military witnesses with firsthand or secondhand accounts, and access to government documents was extended to the public in 1966 with the passage of the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA). However, departmental responses to multiple FOIA requests did not quell the concerns of Steve Schiff, the U.S. Congressman from New Mexico, that the Department of Defense was being evasive. In 1994, he requested a legal audit of the department’s records regarding “crash incidents involving weather balloons and unknown aircraft, such as UFOs,” in Roswell, New Mexico, and an “alleged DoD cover-up.”
Representative Schiff’s audit request led to the 1994 declassification of Project Mogul, an Army Air Forces operation classified as Top Secret Priority 1A whose purpose was the development of long-range nuclear explosion detection capability using high-altitude balloons. The department’s report revealed that the debris found in 1947 was actually equipment being used in this project to monitor Soviet nuclear tests. The report also states that, while some Army documents from 1947 were improperly destroyed, there was no evidence of an extraterrestrial cover-up. The investigation into the Roswell incident illustrates the broader 20th-century trend in New Mexico of using legal mechanisms to balance the need for secrecy, given the state’s military presence, with the public’s demand for transparency.
A System Finding Its Footing
Crossing the threshold from territory to state brought new challenges to New Mexico and, in many ways, required fast adaptation. The state had to reckon with an increasingly complex legal frame.
In New Mexico, legal institutions and practitioners alike experienced the growing pains of a rapidly expanding system within what many viewed as “The Great Experiment.” Yet the steps taken during this era laid the foundation for the modern profession and the legal advancements that would follow.
About the Author
Gabrielle was born and raised in New Mexico. After graduating from the UNM School of Law, she worked for the New Mexico Legislature, the Office of the Second Judicial District Attorney, the NM Taxation and Revenue Department, and Law Access New Mexico. Currently, she serves on the Communications Advisory Committee of the New Mexico State Bar. She works as a copy editor and lives in Maryland, where a good chile relleno is hard to come by.
Sources
1 Pamela B. Minzner, Women in the Law: The Role of Women Lawyers in American Legal History, New Mexico Bar Journal (Winter, 2000).
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2 Harry T. Edwards, A New Role for the Black Law Graduate—A Reality or an Illusion, 69 Michigan Law Review 1407 (1971).
https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol69/iss8/2/
3 John Lujan, Minority Admission to Law School: A Case Study of the University of New Mexico, University of New Mexico thesis, 1978.
https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1082&context=padm_etds
4 Civil Rights Act of 1964, Title VII.
5 State Bar of New Mexico Task Force on Minority Involvement in the Profession, Status of Minorities in the Profession in New Mexico (1989).
https://www.sbnm.org/Portals/NMBAR/docs/Committees/Diversity/1989StatusofMinorities.pdf